#political-polarization

#political-polarization

One paradox of American politics is that voters are both extremely polarized about politics and extremely disdainful of political parties. A record share, 43 percent, self-identify as political independents. Most of these are not true swing voters, but they hold both major parties in low regard. As of September, only 40 percent of voters approved of the ruling Republican Party. The Democrats' favorability was an even more miserable 37 percent-barely above their July showing, their worst in more than 30 years.

In the age of MAGA, ideological lines that once distinguished left from right have blurred. Republicans who said they were willing to die for the market now support a president who tells the government to buy up shares in the private sector. ( Bernie Sanders approves.) The right has also embraced cancel culture, a progressive trend it recently despised. But conservatives aren't the only ones emulating the other side.

The facts of the incident are ostensibly simple: In the early days of Trump's militarization of the nation's capital, Dunn-a 37-year-old Air Force veteran and, at the time, Justice Department employee-screamed at federal officers stationed in a popular nightlife corridor, repeatedly calling them fascists, and then hurled a Subway footlong at a Customs and Border Protection agent, hitting him squarely in the chest.

Outkick host Dan Dakich lambasted fans at the Washington Commanders-Detroit Lions game for booing President Donald Trump while he swore in new members of the U.S. military, saying it was reprehensible behavior that showed they are nothing more than horrible humans. Dakich did not mince words when he joined America's Newsroom on Fox News on Monday morning, one day after the president was loudly jeered.

People trying to understand politics in the United States today often turn to history for precedents and perspective. Are our current divisions like the ones that preceded the American Revolution or the Civil War? Did the dramatic events of the 1960s generate the same kind of social and political forces seen today? Are there lessons from the past that show us how eras of intense political turmoil eventually subside?

He was listening to the Limbaugh shit on the radio and working with people who displayed the characteristics of MAGA. After Trump was elected in 2016, he really started to get weird. He would come home spouting bullshit, and he was always contrary, confrontational, and negative. It was weird. I loved him a little less each day. We had been married for 38 years when we finally divorced, and he wasn't the same person anymore. I couldn't stand to be intimate with him anymore.

The poll - which interviewed 4,027 people aged 16+ between 21 and 27 August 2025 - revealed there is no longer a majority of British citizens who feel 'pride' in their country, there are rising tension between those who are immigrants and British born, more people are feeling nostalgia for the past, many believe the country is changing too quickly and culture war issues are seen as a key dividing issue.

New York City's voters are deciding the outcome of a generational and ideological divide that will resonate across the country Tuesday as they choose the next mayor to run the nation's largest city. Zohran Mamdani, who won the Democratic primary earlier this year, faces former Gov. Andrew Cuomo, who is running as an independent, and perennial Republican candidate Curtis Sliwa, who is trying to land a massive upset.

Tomorrow's elections make the case that the opposite is more accurate these days: No politics is local. In the Virginia and New Jersey governor's races, Donald Trump is a central issue for voters. In the New York City mayoral election, things are even more complicated: Trump endorsed Andrew Cuomo this evening, the culmination of months of sparring between the president and front-runner Zohran Mamdani, and analysts are debating what Mamdani's expected victory would mean for the national Democratic Party.

Tesla CEO Elon Musk's political crash out has been painful to watch. His public endorsement of U.S. President Donald Trump and spearheading role in the controversial Department of Government Efficiency (which was linked to more than 280,000 layoffs) earned Muskand Teslaa negative reputation amongst left-leaning voters in the U.S. A new study by Yale scholars at the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER) reveals just how much of an impact that reputation had on Tesla's sales.

When I was a kid, we got McDonald's coupons from a house once. Every single one of us was like, "The fuck?" Another time, we knocked on the apartment door of some drunk yuppies having a cocktail party, who invited us in for cheese and crackers. I'm not even sure they knew it was Halloween. They were very nice, but my brother and sister and I were weirded out anyway. Also, we didn't have time to socialize. We just wanted to get some fucking candy.

Urbana, Ohio, is a small city of 11,000, where nearly three out of four voters went for Donald Trump in the 2020 presidential election. The journalist Beth Macy, who in her previous books chronicled the widening fissures in American society by examining the opioid crisis and the aftereffects of globalization, grew up there. In Paper Girl, she returns to Urbana-a place beset by economic decline, dwindling public resources, failing schools, and the disappearance of local journalism.

I get a lot of criticism from the left, from people who are like Why does she have MAGA people on the show?' and it's like, well, you should know what they are saying, Phillip explained. Charlamagne agreed with the perspective, while Phillip continued by arguing that simply being unaware of Trumpism and those who support it is not helpful to anyone.

Anniversary: Brutal and eerily more plausible with every ticking second, director Jan Komasa's skin-crawling thriller imagines a horrific near future where democracy has fallen and American families are at war with each other. Given present circumstances, that might seem a hard sell for already shellshocked viewers. But the extreme scenario presented here should not dissuade you from seeing it. Consider it a dire warning of where the nation could plummet

"I'm Hispanic and my father-in-law is a white MAGA male - who is also a veteran - who claims that he's OK with me because I'm 'one of the good ones.' Before the election, I used to try giving him only facts, and he kept saying how I was trying to sell him a liberal agenda. One time, I tried bringing the immigration issue up, and he belittled me, saying things like, 'How can you think he will come for you? He's only going after the worst of the worst. I'm disappointed that you have all this knowledge and still make outrageous claims like that.' Then, everyone else got uncomfortable and walked away from the conversation."

An estimated 7 million Americans turned out Saturday to peacefully protest against the breakdown of our checks-and-balances democracy into a Trump-driven autocracy, rife with grift but light on civil rights. Trump's response? An AI video of himself wearing a crown inside a fighter plane, dumping what appears to be feces on these very protesters. In a later interview, he called participants of the "No Kings" events "whacked out" and "not representative of this country."

Among the hundreds, maybe thousands, of people lining the main street of a small town in upstate New York on a perfect fall Saturday afternoon, this man and his words stuck with me. He was the sort of mild, ordinary-looking person you'd never notice in a crowd if not for his sign. And that was true of almost everyone. These were not the America-hating, Hamas-loving, paid street fighters that Republican leaders had dreamed up in the days before the countrywide "No Kings" rallies.

House speaker Mike Johnson called them Hate America rallies, a moniker that was quickly picked up by other Republicans, and described the No Kings protests as a crucible of potential riots, representing all the pro-Hamas wing and, you know, the antifa people. 'You're gonna bring together the Marxists, the socialists, the antifa advocates, the anarchists, and the pro-Hamas wing of the far-left Democrat party,' he said.

Emmanuel Macron sounded like a man in grief. Not angry, not defiant, just a little triste. Europe, he lamented, was suffering a degeneration of democracy. Many threats emanated from outside, from Russia, from China, from powerful US tech companies and social-media entrepreneurs, France's president said. But we should not be naive. On the inside we are turning on ourselves. We doubt our own democracy We see everywhere that something is happening to our democratic fabric.

In a year already defined by polarization and violence, the assassination of Charlie Kirk at Utah Valley University plunged higher education into crisis. The killing of one of the nation's most prominent conservative activists on a college campus has been weaponized by political factions, prompting administrative crackdowns and faculty firings. What were once familiar battles in the campus culture wars have escalated into something more dangerous: a struggle over the very conditions of inquiry, where violence, scandal and political pressure converge to erode academic freedom.

As far as government shutdowns go, this one has so far lacked the round-the-clock chaos of its predecessors. There have been no dramatic late-night clashes on the floors of Congress, no steep stock-market plunges driven by panicked investors, no prime-time presidential addresses from the Oval Office. Even the running clocks on cable-news chyrons have disappeared. But in the reality show that has replaced a properly functioning system of democratic governance,

My brother is almost 90, a Repub for years, and a committed Trumpie from the beginning. He knows he is looking at his sunset and will die a Trumpie. He dismisses, rationalizes, or denies every critical fact about Trump. No fact, no failure, nor any reversal of policy by any court causes him pause. He only watches FOX. He has successfully alienated his wife, two very adult children, siblings, relatives, and friends who are not Trumpies.

Liberals and conservatives both oppose censorship of children's literature - unless the writing offends their own ideology, new Cornell research finds. Studying a representative U.S. population, the scholars in literature, sociology and information science found competing cancel cultures in which widespread opposition to literary censorship masked offsetting disagreements between left- and right-wing values. Those attitudes highlight the polarization of an issue once governed by bipartisan consensus over the need to protect children from inappropriate violent or sexual content. Now, the researchers said, offensive political ideas are viewed as dangerous - threatening free speech as a core value.