#executive-power

#executive-power

To achieve a similar grasp of rights and powers in the UK, you'd need to be a professor of constitutional law. They are contained in a vast and contradictory morass of legal statutes, court precedents, codes of conduct, scholarly opinions, treaties, traditions, gentlemen's agreements and unwritten rules. They are rendered still less intelligible by arcane parliamentary procedures and language so opaque that we need a translation app. This mess allows great scope for interpretation, which ruthless operators readily exploit.

Millions of Americans are expected to push back against the president's growing power at No Kings protests across the US on Saturday. The demonstrations come as former intelligence and national security officials warn that the country is sliding towards competitive authoritarianism, in which elections and courts survive but are systematically manipulated by the executive. The justice system is not a nice addition to democracy but a core, constitutive element of it.

When asked whether United States President Donald Trump would invoke the Insurrection Act, Vice President JD Vance said this week that Trump is looking at all his options. The decision would allow Trump to deploy the US military domestically for law enforcement purposes without congressional authorisation and over the objections of state governors. list of 4 itemsend of list Vance's October 12 comment on NBC's Meet the Press was just one of many in recent months

has banned the president's deployment of National Guard units to Portland on the grounds that the president's claim that Portland is a "burning hellhole" besieged by violent anarchists is "untethered to facts."

And no surprise, judges in those countries have repeatedly done what Orban and Erdogan want. Donald Trump has not had the opportunity to pack the US supreme court to nearly the same degree. Nor has he, despite his brash, bullying ways, done much to pressure or browbeat the court's nine justices. Nevertheless, the court's conservative supermajority has ruled time after time in favor of Trump since he returned to office.

Calling the president's action a "breathtaking abuse of power," Newsom said in a statement that 300 California National Guard personnel were being deployed to Portland, Ore., a city the president has called "war-ravaged." "They are on their way there now," Newsom said of the National Guard. "This is a breathtaking abuse of the law and power." Trump's move came a day after a federal judge in Oregon temporarily blocked the federalization of Oregon's National Guard.

Trump has 40 more months - four-fifths of his term - left to stretch it further. White House officials tell us they're just getting going. They see chaos as their brand and "consequence culture" taking root.

The Trump administration's justification for these strikes, such as it is, seems to be that any shipment of drugs connected to the Venezuelan gang Tren de Aragua is a direct threat to the United States. These "narco-terrorists" may therefore be destroyed on sight, and without the fuss of asking permission from the U.S. Congress. This argument reflects the president's childlike but dangerous understanding of his role as commander in chief. The United States, once the leader of a global system of security and economic cooperation, is now acting like a rogue state on the high seas.

In addition, Pittman is caught in a legal morass about whether the Supreme Court's 2002 prohibition on executing the intellectually disabled applies retroactively. In 2016, the Florida Supreme Court ruled that it should. That would have given Pittman a chance to have his case reconsidered. Butbefore that could happen, as the Tampa Bay Times reports, "the Florida Supreme Court-which had since become more conservative with the retirement of three longtime justices regarded as liberal-reversed themselves, declaring that the Atkins ruling did not apply retroactively."

Let's say a Democratic president had absolutely no respect for Congress, a coequal branch appropriating funds, right to determine tariff policy, Tarlov said. You'd be saying, What is this? This isn't what the Constitution wanted.' I would not say that, protested co-host Greg Gutfeld. Yes, you would, Tarlov insisted. No, I wouldn't, he replied. Then you're a bad constitutionalist, Tarlov shot back.

The Intercollegiate Studies Institute (ISI) brought together a selection of major thinkers from the American right to launch its new podcast, Project Cosmos, which debuted Tuesday. Project Cosmos is intended to be a forum that can explore at length the differences and similarities of the newly fractious right, examining the possibilities for forming a new synthesis from the disparate strains of the tech right, religious postliberalism, right-populism, and traditional American conservatism.

Public opinion polls indicate significant concern among Americans regarding President Trump's extensive use of executive power, fostering various protests against perceived authoritarianism.

Voters possess the power to select candidates, support campaigns, and engage with Congress, emphasizing the importance of active participation in democracy to counter the prevailing atmosphere of fear.

The Executive's bid to vanquish so-called "universal injunctions" is, at bottom, a request for this Court's permission to engage in unlawful behavior. When the Government says "do not allow the lower courts to enjoin executive action universally as a remedy for unconstitutional conduct," what it is truly seeking is an unfettered ability to act without judicial restraint.

Gopnik highlights the paradox of accepting mass death for history's rewards and points out the overlooked cost of civil liberties lost during war.